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Freud was preoccupied with these transformational processes in his theory not only in cognition-as in the distinctions of unconscious versus conscious, primary process versus secondary process, repressed versus return of the repressed, and manifest dream versus latent dream-but also in transformation or vicissitudes of instincts, as in love versus hate. This transformational or two-language nature of psychoanalysis brings it into congruence with a number of contemporary approaches to language, including the structuralist approach of the French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan and the deconstructionist approach of Jacques Derrida. Edelson, who notes that both men posit the presence of deeper structures forming the basis of surface structures, as well as stress the importance of transformational operations by which the language of the deep structure is represented in the language of the surface structure. Fodor is led to speculate on the "vocabulary" of the code by which the private language is transformed into the public language. Literature of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as in the works of Proust and Joyce, exemplifies the concern with levels of language. It is as if Joyce wished to write in the private language that forms the substrate of all literary works. It is poetry, however, that reveals most directly the transformation process from the private to the public language. Prescott recognized the parallel between such poetic tropes and the process of dreamwork developed by Freud, a parallel subsequently elaborated by the psychoanalyst E. Thus, psychoanalysis, literature, and linguistics converge upon transformational operations, and the problem of interpretation of the text, or hermeneutics, becomes a central issue. Because psychoanalytic interpretations of literature initially emphasized the major developmental themes explicated by Freud, there has been continuing interest in the oral, anal, and phallic aspects of literature, often with predominant emphasis on the Oedipal state of development. With the development of ego psychology within psychoanalysis, psychoanalytic literary criticism took a turn toward emphasizing the more adaptive, synthesizing aspects of literary productivity. The emphasis of ego psychology was to construe literary effort as positive, coping behavior in which the regression was purposive and controlled, otherwise the fantasy emanating from the primary process would become too private and preclude artistic communication with the reader. Freud turned more to pre-Oedipal issues late in his life, as he distinguished between the psychological development of the male and female child, and recent feminist literary criticism has moved in this direction. Freud maintained that the pre-Oedipal relationship with the mother was of more basic significance for the development of the female child than was the Oedipal period. Such a formulation is central in the feminist approach to problems of female identity formation. The intense interest feminist critics are displaying in this issue of female identity formation in relation to writing is one example of the mutual contribution of literature and psychology in the development of both. Using a paradigm centering on Oedipal issues, the literary critic Harold Bloom has made bold forays into psychoanalytic concepts in advancing a theory of literature. Bloom emphasizes rhetorical tropes in poetry as manifestations of mechanisms of defense. More generally, Bloom is concerned with the thesis that repression as a defense operates importantly in how writers deal with their literary precursors.

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He sketched out a hierarchy of control systems to account for the complexity of behavior, in which individual control systems of each level receive their reference signals from the output of systems of the level above. He postulated that if any "readings" in the intrinsic system go into an error state (i. His insight was that only random action could afford the chance to produce a new type of action (in a given organism) because any disturbance to conditions already under control would immediately be nullified by existing systems. Much of this work constitutes a significant advance in the testing of hypotheses by quantitative model building and computer simulation rather than by inferences of causality from correlations, as is commonly practiced in contemporary psychology. Researchers who study these topics have demonstrated impressive creativity and persistence in designing research techniques for assessing early abilities. Two representative methods are the following: (1) the habituation/dishabituation method, in which infants decrease their attention to an object that has been presented many times, and then increase their attention when a new object is presented; and (2) the preference method, in which infants spend consistently longer responding to one object than to a second object. Visual Development the retina of a newborn is not fully developed, especially in the central region (fovea) where adult acuity is best. However, acuity improves with age, until it approximates 20/20 vision at about 3 years of age. However, by 3 months of age, they can discriminate among many different colored stimuli. With respect to distance perception, 6-month-old babies can use both monocular depth information. By this age, they also tend to avoid the deep side of a visual cliff, thereby demonstrating that they can apply this visual information about distance. For example, a 3-month-old shows some shape constancy, so that an object seems to stay the same shape, even when viewed from a different angle. A 6-month-old shows good size constancy, so that an object seems to stay the same size, even when viewed from a different distance. In contradiction to Piagetian theory, infants display object permanence by about 4 months of age; an object still exists, even when it is hidden behind another object. By this age, they also appreciate biological motion, which is the pattern of movement of living things. For example, they can look at a set of moving lights and tell the difference between (1) a pattern of lights representing a moving person and (2) a pattern of random moving lights. The research on shape perception suggests that infants exhibit several Gestalt laws, such as the law of closure. When adults look at a long rod moving back and forth-but partially concealed by a block-we perceive that the rod is one solid, continuous object, rather than two separate rod fragments. Infants who are 2 months old also display this law of closure, but newborns do not. With respect to face perception, infants who are 1 hour old can move their eyes a longer distance in order to track a facelike stimulus, rather than a stimulus with a scrambledface design.

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Both Wundt and Titchener had distinguished the two worlds of experience: the mental (consciousness) and the physical. The relationship between these two worlds could be explained through psychophysical parallelism. For instance, the experience of a particular color had its parallel in the length of light wave, or an experience of a certain pitch had its parallel in the frequency of the sound wave. One aspect of experience that Wundt failed to explain was the meaning of a particular idea or set of experiences. Titchener maintained that science was dependent on observation and that introspection was one of the methods. It was very much limited to what psychologists could study in their minds; it had no applications. In 1933 Edwin Boring, a student of Titchener at Cornell, wrote the Physical Dimensions of Consciousness, in which he tried to correlate the attributes of consciousness with characteristics of impulses going along the sensory nerves to the brain. Intensity supposedly correlated with the rapidity of the impulse and quality with a patterning of the impulses, but this was purely hypothetical. What is left of structuralism is to be found in various aspects of sensory psychology, but in a way, structuralism fulfilled its purpose. It set psychology out as a discipline separate from philosophy with a methodology of investigation at least in part experimental. As psychology was being directed toward a broader scope, to include behavior of both animals and humans, along with applications to the world outside the laboratory, structuralism was eclipsed. In direct contrast, a structured interview comprises predetermined questions presented in a predefined order, with tightly operationalized criteria used for interpretation (Beutler, 1995). Like structured interviews, they consist of predetermined questions presented in a predefined order; however, following the predetermined questions, the interviewer is free to follow up as necessary to obtain sufficient information. Semistructured interviewing, like structured interviewing, is concerned with obtaining sufficient information for reliable and valid rating with respect to some particular content domain. It differs only in that it allows clinicians more latitude to formulate queries in making a rating. Accordingly, the present chapter subsumes both semistructured and structured interviews under the rubric of the structured interview. The Shift from Unstructured to Structured Interviews the increasing use of structured interviews may be traced to the confluence of several historical developments. In the 1960s and 1970s there was growing recognition that the traditional method of diagnosis (i.

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If emotions depend on appraisals, there will be as many different emotions as there are different appraisals. Thomas Aquinas, in his Commentary, followed Aristotle in this explanation of emotional arousal. Descartes insisted that all emotions are aroused directly by exciting the "animal spirits," or by arousing inherent reflex actions together with the physiological changes necessary for survival-a notion shared by Darwin. William James and Carl Lange later reversed the commonsense view that emotion produces bodily changes, by insisting that bodily changes follow directly on the perception of the exciting object: Our sensation of these changes is the emotion. The James-Lange theory of emotion was accepted unquestioningly and soon fatally reduced the interest of academic psychologists in the analysis of emotion. Fear or anger may arouse flight or attack, but both still depend on a realization that something is threatening or annoying, which is an appraisal, however rudimentary. She defined emotion as "a felt action tendency toward anything intuitively appraised as good, or away from anything intuitively appraised as bad for me here and now," which is "accompanied by a pattern of physiological changes organized toward a specific kind of approach or withdrawal. In her book Emotion and Personality, Arnold pointed out that emotions depend not only on the intuitive appraisal of something as "good or bad for me," but also on the spontaneous appraisal of possible responses as suitable or unsuitable. Something threatening may be seen as difficult to escape and so arouses fear, or it may be appraised as something that can be anticipated by bold action and so is overcome by a daring attack. Arnold emphasized that the intuitive spontaneous appraisal is supplemented by a deliberate value judgment, at least in the older child and adult, just as sensory knowledge is complemented by conceptual knowledge. Because we use intuitive and reflective appraisals concurrently, even our intuitive judgments generating emotion can be educated. Because the person is a unit, every reflective value judgment will be accompanied by an intuitive appraisal. Like other cognitive theorists, Arnold recognizes the importance of the physiological changes that accompany emotion. When these changes are felt, they are again appraised and may either reinforce or change the original emotion. When a person appraises an increased pulse rate during fear as indicating heart disease, the original fear is now overlaid by a fear of illness. The fear aroused by the increased pulse rate then dictates the appraisal that, being ill, one will not be able to cope with the situation, which increases the original fear. Lazarus suggests that each emotion is based on a particular kind of cognitive appraisal accompanied by motor-behavioral and physiological changes. Reappraisal can occur as a simple evaluation of the significance of this altered relation to the environment, or it may be a psychological attempt at coping with stress. Such a reappraisal is not necessarily based on factual information; it can be an attempt to look at the situation from a more congenial point of view. Before they showed a harrowing subincision film to the experimental subjects, they read a passage to one group that described the painful procedure at length, and they told another group that the boys in the picture were willing to undergo this initiation ritual and were proud of their stoic endurance. The first group was strongly affected by the film, while the other two groups remained comparatively unaffected.

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After this initial phase, the most liberal therapists discuss potential goals and patient expectations, which are not limited to sexual intercourse but could include skills such as communication and assertiveness or feelings of enjoyment and comfort during sexual behaviors. The techniques used in sex therapy vary according to treatment goals, dysfunction, and patient characteristics. Because sex therapy employs a symptom-oriented approach, much of the rationale is borrowed from the cognitive-behavioral school. In order to select the most appropriate form of sex therapy and therapy goals, the therapist must consider patient characteristics such as age, sexual orientation, ethnic background, and cultural expectations. Behavioral approaches are utilized to teach patients to express intimacy and affection in both nonsexual. To help facilitate arousal, the patient is sometimes trained in the development of sexual fantasies, communication skills, sexual assertiveness, sensate focus, and the use of erotica or vibrators. Lubricants such as K-Y Jelly or Astroglide are often recommended to help compensate for decreased lubrication. This suction device is placed over the clitoral tissue and draws blood into the genital tissue. This therapy technique aims at reducing anxiety-producing thoughts associated with sexual activities and increasing positive behavioral experiences. Directed masturbation involves a series of at-home exercises that begin with visual and tactile total body exploration and move toward increased genital stimulation with the eventual optional use of a vibrator. Directed masturbation is the technique with the best success rates, whereas systematic desensitization is particularly useful when anxiety plays a primary role in the dysfunction. Treatment for this condition often combines couples therapy and cognitive therapy and focuses on solving conflict areas within the couple, such as emotional differences and issues of control. Anxiety reduction techniques such as systematic desensitization are used when the aversion is accompanied by strong feelings of anxiety. Systematic desensitization consists of identifying a hierarchy of sexual activities that provoke anxiety and then pairing relaxation techniques with imagining the sexual activity. Techniques are often employed to help the patient become aware of her anxiety or her sexual turn-off Sexual Pain Disorders Dyspareunia Dyspareunia refers to genital pain associated with intercourse (ApA, 2000). The assessment of the type of dyspareunia should include information on the location, quality, intensity, time course, and meaning of the pain. During biofeedback, the patient is instructed to contract and relax her vaginal muscles while a surface electromyographic sensor inserted in her vagina provides her with feedback on muscular tenseness. Vaginismus Vaginismus is the involuntary contraction of the outer third of the vagina, which impedes penetration of fingers, tampons, or penis. The role of the partner in the exercise is passive if the partner is at all present. Exercises that reduce anxiety and substitute anxiety-provoking thoughts with positive sexual thoughts are sometimes used in conjunction with the behavioral techniques.

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For example, parents of young children might be surveyed to check cereal or other food preferences. Selected consumers may receive a survey by mail, may be visited at home by an interviewer, may be telephoned, or may be computer-accessed by the Internet. They may be asked to come into a mall-based test room where they express actual preferences of products or features. Or, in the case of food items or personal hygiene products, they may be asked to try different samples and register preferences. Rapid technological advances have brought prominent growth in surveying by Internet and the prospect of virtually instant response via integrated systems combining cable, computer, and television. Although the technologies will rapidly change, the basic principles underlying surveying and polling will remain constant-principles of random sampling within representative general or targetmarket populations. In notable instances, polling or surveying will target those consumers who have purchased a given product or brand. What attracted them to the product, why they selected it, how satisfied they are with its features and performance, and related questions hold central interest for the company whose product was selected or, in some instances, a competing company who seeks to win the consumer in the future. The questionnaire may come in the just-purchased box of shoes, radio alarm clock, or computer. It is their belief that random surveying within the broader consumer population is too capricious and subject to change. To access these motivations, the technique, in effect, removes the question from the person through interpretation of abstract stimuli or pictures, sentence or story completion, questions about what their neighbor would consider most important in selecting a given product, descriptions of the personality of a consumer who would select a given product or grouping of products, and so on. Through techniques such as these the consumer unwittingly expresses her or his own underlying motivations while responding on the basis of stimuli, sentences, or other individuals. Historically, projective techniques have been very meaningful in designing advertising campaigns to effectively move beyond a marketing problem or roadblock. When Duncan Hines introduced a cake mix that required only adding water, it sat quietly on supermarket shelves. Projective techniques revealed the guilt homemakers felt at baking a cake so easily, and the product was reformulated to require adding an egg. Similar projective techniques have been useful in revealing and overcoming resistances in a wide variety of product areas including microwave dinners and instant coffee, to name but a few. Behavioral Techniques Behavioral techniques examine the actions of the prospective consumer in several facets of the purchasing arena. Consumers and their actions in store aisles may be observed firsthand or through one-waymirrors. Selected consumers may be given scanner cards that register all their purchases at designated scannercable-equipped supermarkets. These scanner-cable panels of consumers provide important data to major food manufacturers. Conclusion Although this discussion has focused upon the commercial marketplace, the techniques of consumer research are used extensively in broader nonprofit and societal orientations as well. Questions of consumer welfare, product safety, and truth-in-packaging legislation have been central among these broader concerns.

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As reserve capacity and the range of plasticity decline in later life, older adults select more carefully the domains of functioning in which they try to maintain high efficacy and, when necessary, rely on compensatory mechanisms to adapt to the demands of the environment within those specialized domains (Baltes & Baltes, 1990). Structural characteristics of the species both create the potential for, and set the constraints on, behavioral plasticity. Two key propositions of the life-span perspective on human development are contextual embeddedness and dynamic interaction (Lerner, 1984). Contextual embeddedness refers to the idea that the key phenomena of human life exist at multiple levels. Thus, the task of human developmentalists is to describe and explain how different levels interact and influence each other and to optimize the parameters that affect these interactions and the resulting developmental trajectories (Baltes et al. Taken together, the basic principles of life-span development make multidisciplinary inquiry a necessity. Developmental changes in human behavior can only be explained by engaging in multiple levels of analysis of both internal and external contexts, leading to the inevitable necessity that development will only be understood when multiple disciplines work together to examine developmental processes. Although theorists have argued that human development research requires observation over the "period of time during which the developmental phenomena of interest are thought to occur" (Schaie, 1983, p. Although valuable in informing researchers about the possible magnitude and the pattern of age differences in a certain behavior at a given point in time, cross-sectional studies are limited in providing information about developmental changes (Schaie, 1994). Longitudinal studies that track individuals over the course of their development permit (1) the direct identification of intra-individual change; (2) the identification of interindividual variability in intra-individual change; (3) the assessment of the interrelationships among different domains of intra-individual change; (4) the analysis of determinants or correlates of intra-individual change; and (5) the analysis of interindividual variability in the determinants or correlates of intra-individual change (Schaie, 1983). However, longitudinal designs share problems inherent in quasiexperimental designs (Campbell & Stanley, 1967) and confound time-of-measurement and aging effects that render estimates of age effects internally invalid (Schaie, 1983, 1994). Life-span developmental psychology has made great progress in the description, explanation, and optimization of human development across the whole life span. The use of longitudinal and sequential re- search designs has resulted in elaborate multivariate studies of behavioral development, showing that development occurs at all stages of the human life course from conception to death. Theoretical propositions of life-span developmental psychology: On the dynamics between growth and decline. Psychological perspectives on successful aging: the model of selective optimization with compensation. Two symposia have sought to ascertain the key features of intelligence according to experts in the field ("Intelligence and its Measurement," 1921; Sternberg & Detterman, 1986). Critical elements of the definition of intelligence, according to experts, are (1) adaptation in order to meet the demands of the environment effectively, (2) elementary processes of perception and attention, (3) higher-level processes of abstract reasoning, mental representation, problem solving, decision making, (4) ability to learn, and (5) effective behavior in response to problem situations. These definitions rely on tests such as those originated by Binet and Simon (1916) to measure judgmental abilities or of Wechsler (1939) to measure verbal and performance abilities. Laypeople also can be asked to define intelligence, and it turns out that their definitions differ from expert definitions in placing somewhat greater emphasis on socialcompetence skills. In one study, for example, laypeople defined intelligence in terms of three broad classes of skills: (1) practical problem solving, (2) verbal ability, and (3) social competence (Sternberg, Conway, Ketron, & Bernstein, 1981).

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The subject is asked to choose between pairs of statements, and the score is the number of "external control" alternatives chosen (thus a low score reflects internal control). For example, in one item there is a choice between making plans confidently and reluctance to do so for fear that bad luck may foil them. This scale has prompted a great deal of research as well as the development of new measures. Several investigators have employed factor analysis to clarify the components of Expectancies of Control Interest in the problem of personal control owes much to research on frustration and its effects-situations in which a person is blocked in attempting to attain a goal. Emotional arousal and aggression may thereby be elicited (although negative effects are typically emphasized, constructive or coping efforts may also be evident). Such reactions vary with the degree of control one has over the threatening conditions. For example, with a threat of electric shock, subjects prefer certainty that the shock will occur to uncertainty or inconsistency, and report less anxiety when they control the shock lever. Other studies bear out the fact that perception of control of aversive stimuli significantly reduces subjective discomfort. In particular one needs to distinguish, as aspects of the external locus, between control by powerful others and control by chance, and between defensive and nondefensive externals. Nondefensive externals assume more personal responsibility for their actions than do defensive externals. Research shows that internals tend to perceive themselves as capable of controlling events, whereas externals tend to attribute outcomes to luck, chance, or other forces that control them. For some subjects the concept problems were unsolvable, whereas for others they were solvable. Next, the subjects either experienced the same conditions again (albeit with instructions that they could do something to escape) or received anagrams to solve the problem. The subjects who received "helplessness training" (inescapable noise or unsolvable problems) displayed learned helplessness in that they were impaired in learning how to escape the noise or solve the anagrams (depending on which sequence they encountered). Hiroto utilized a test derived from the Rotter scale in an experiment on learned helplessness. But externals were adversely affected regardless of pretreatment or instructions; in fact, internals performed very much like the control subjects. In the helplessness training pretreatment, internals tried more often to escape than did externals. In addition, as Koller and Kaplan, and Gregory and colleagues show, it is the lack of explicit cues that adversely affects the performance of externals, in keeping with their greater influence by environmental conditions. Some students were given impersonal instructions (that the shipment of posters inadvertently failed to include that poster); others were given personal instructions (that the experimenters had excluded one because evidence indicated that it would not be "meaningful for that student"). When freedom was limited, internals rated the eliminated option much more attractive under personal conditions, whereas the externals displayed this effect under impersonal conditions. Although restrictions on freedom may have general effects, they are contingent on relevant personality variables.


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